Kalhana's Rajatarangini

 Kalhana's Rajatarangini

When the lord of the earth heard that the minister had beheaded that [Dâmara, whom he loved] as if he were his son, his anger was appeased, and he felt as if it were embarrassed.

Sura then inquired about the health of the king, and when the latter replied that he felt no pain, made him rise from his couch and complete the worship.

[identical with the Sodara tirthas of the Nilamata and K].

As there is no other tank or pool anywhere near the site of Buthiser, we must recognize in the basin of the Närän Năg the pond close by (åsanne sarasi) of v. 59, into which Dhanva's decapitated body was thrown.

About twenty yards to the West of the tank and facing the North side of the stone wall which encloses the second group of temples, there are the ruins of a small solitary temple, marked K on the plan. They are now almost buried by the soil washed down from the hillside, which rises immediately behind them. The proximity of this temple to the tank, and its isolated position outside the temple groups, makes it probable that we have in it the remains of the shrine of Bhairate at which Dhanva's execution took place. As the worship of Bhairava relates to bloody sacrifices, his shrines are also nowadays generally kept at some distance from those of other deities.

If this identification is correct, we may safely recognize the central and principal temple of the second group, which alone is a building of imposing dimensions, the shrine dedicated to Siva Bhuteswar. This shows that this shrine was situated near the Bhairava temple Styles.

We have further to conclude that the other group of temples, situated to the W. of the one just mentioned, was erected in honour of Siva Jyesthela. Of the ancient Linga known by this name, it is seen that it was worshipped in the neighbourhood of Bhautesh’s shrine.

This group, too, consists of one large central temple, probably identical to the one erected by King Lalitaditya. Several smaller cells are around it. The base of a colossal Linga which Bishop Cowie found at the S.W. corner of the enclosure of this temple group, belonged, perhaps, to the very emblem of Jyesthesa.

Kalhana has taken care to let us know of the frequent visits which his father Canpaka had paid to the shrines of Nandikşetra, i.e. Buthiser, and the rich grants he had made there. It may, therefore, be justified in assuming that K. himself was thoroughly acquainted with this sacred site and that the information he gives us as to the relative position of the several shrines is exact in its details.

Canpaka, Kalhana's Father

In the several passages which mention Canpaka, we find the latter invariably spoken of with evident respect for his character and activity. We first meet him as lord of the Gate (duarapati) or commandant of the frontier defenses in the latter part of Harsa's reign. On the king's expedition against the castle of Dugdhaghata on the Darad frontier, shortly before A.D. 1099, Canpaka's success in effecting the investment of that mountain stronghold notwithstanding the intrigues of official rivals is especially praised. When relating Harsa's desperate struggle for his crown and life, Kalhana mentions Canpaka amongst the last few officials who loyally held out by the king's side. He is careful to explain Canpaka's absence at the final catastrophe through a detailed account of the special mission which the doomed king entrusted to him. The dialogue which Kalhana puts into the mouth of the king and minister bears every appearance of historical truth. Reference is made in it to a particular incident which, from the nature of the case, could not have well been remembered by anyone except Canpaka himself. Its special record and that of the whole dialogue becomes intelligible in the light of the fact that Kalhana was the minister's son.

Information Derived from Canpaka

This connection, too, explains the exact and graphic account which Kalhana can give us of the flight of the unfortunate king from the capital and of his tragic death. The only companions of Harsa on his flight and during the few days of his hiding were his faithful courtier and attendant Prayaga, and Mukta, a menial servant of Canpaka's household. The former was killed fighting together with his royal master. Mukta alone escaped death under circumstances that Kalhana takes special care to explain and justify. He had received his account of Harşa's last days from this sole surviving witness who belonged to his father's household.

Kalhana describes Canpaka as a fervent worshipper at the Tirthas of Nandiswara, the present Buthiser. This accounts for the intimacy.

The abrupt way Canpaka is introduced to us in the first-named passage appears to me to be a further indication of his identity with the Chronicler's father. Kalhana, when first mentioning new personages in his narrative, ordinarily particularizes periods which are known to us from historical sources, they appear to have held their own and rather to have levied subsidies, i.e. blackmail, from the Kaśmir rulers.

Territories Southwest and West of Kaśmir

Some of the petty hill-states here referred to must have been included in the region which by its ancient name was known as Darvabhisara. This name was a geographical term and was applied to the whole tract of the lower and middle hills between the Candrabhāgā and Vitasta. The combined names of the Darvas and Abhisäras are found already in the ethnographical lists of the Mahābhārata and Brihatsamhita. A chief of this region figures under the ethnic name of Abisares in the accounts of Alexander's Indian campaign.

Rajapuri

The most important of the hill-states in this territory was certainly the Rajapuri, represented by the modern district of Rajouri. It comprised the valleys drained by the Tohi of Rajouri and its tributaries. Owing to its position on the most direct route to the Panjab, Rajapuri was necessarily often brought into political relations with Kaśmir. When Hiuen Tsiang passed through it, the kingdom of Rajapuri was subject to Kaśmir. From the tenth century onwards, we find the chiefs of Rajapuri to be practically independent rulers, though the Chronicle tells us of numerous expeditions undertaken into their territory by the later Kaśmir kings. The upper Valley of the Tohi of Prünts leading to the Pir Pantsal Pass was included in Rajapuri territory Here was notably the famous stronghold of Räiagiri the tenth century onwards we find the chiefs of Rajapuri as practically independent rulers, through the Chronicle tells us of numerous expeditions undertaken into their territory by the later Kaśmir kings. The upper Valley of the Tohi of Prünts leading to the Pir Pantsāl Pass was included in Rajapuri territory. Here lay probably the famous stronghold of Rajagiri, known also to Alberuni.

Rajapuri took its name from its capital which is repeatedly mentioned by Kalhana, and undoubtedly occupied the position of the present town of Rajouri. The ruling family belonged to the Khasa tribe. Its descendants were the Muhammadanized Rajput chiefs who retained this territory down to the present century.

KALHAN'S PERSON AND DESCENT

Kalhana, a historian, is known only through his work. There are no records of his life. We only know his name from the colophons of his work and an introduction by his successor, Jonaraja, written three centuries later. Kalhana's Rajatarangini gives us some information about him.

The colophons at the end of each book of Rajatarangini state it was composed by "Kalhana, the son of the great Kashmirian minister, the illustrious Lord Canpaka." This information is considered authentic as these colophons are part of the original manuscripts.

Kalhana wrote the introduction to his Chronicle in A.D. 1148-49 and completed it the following year. Given this date, it is likely that Kalhana’s father is the same Canpaka mentioned in the Chronicle as an official of King Harsa (A.D. 1089-1101). The Chronicle itself supports this connection.

A passage from Kalhana's Rajatarangini describes an incident by the Vitasta River, the water of which became warm by the fire or fire of the great house and by the tears hot with grief.

Nanda, the mother of future kings, who was of noble birth; was in her harem on the other side [of the river) and was eagerly looking from a high terrace towards the camps of her sons, distinguishable in the north and south by the smoke of their kitchen fires. This virtuous lady burned herself in her house together with her nurse Candri, who felt unable to see the water which was to be offered at the funeral sacrifices of her sons whom she had brought up as a child with her milk. She (Nanda) had not yet seated herself in the flaming fire but was [already] surrounded by the flames which were playing around, as [if they were her] female companions when she uttered the following curse against the king: "May you, O sons before many days due to the family of your father's enemy what the son of Jamadagni (Parasurama) did."?

Nanda, the mother of future kings, was looking at her sons' camps from her harem. She burned herself along with her nurse, Candri, who couldn't bear to see the funeral rites for Nanda. Before entering the flames, Nanda cursed the king, wishing his sons would destroy their enemies like Parasurama, who avenged his father's death by exterminating the Kshatriya race.

Darsanapala, despite being targeted by the king, survived due to miraculous incidents, as he was destined to live. He secretly supported the pretenders while staying close to Harsa.

King Harsha of 11-12th-century Kashmir, influenced by the Turks in his employ, plundered Hindu and Buddhist temples for wealth, an act noted by historian Kalhana to be uncharacteristically Hindu and more aligned with Islamic practices. Unlike religiously motivated desecration by Muslim rulers, Harsha's plundering was driven by greed. Other rulers like Shankarvarman also seized temple land and treasures but did not desecrate the temples themselves.